Jovenes del PSUV hacen una parrilla frente a los huelguistas!!! que bolas tienen!!!!

Jovenes del PSUV hacen una parrilla frente a los huelguistas de hambre en Venezuela!!! 

que bolas tienen!!!!

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Crónica de una muerte anunciada

Crónica de una muerte anunciada
TalCual en serio humor
Laureano Márquez

Fue particular- mente triste el funeral de Franklin Brito. No es común ver a un venezolano llegar hasta las últimas consecuencias por defender sus derechos en un país en el que todos andamos en el "vivamos, callemos y aprovechemos" que llamaba Picón Salas. Él no vivió, calló ni aprovechó. Lo que conmueve y duele es su profunda inocencia, el "no hay derecho" que se le instala a uno en el alma. 

Fue particularmente triste, además, por el par de centenares de personas que acompañaron su sepelio, siendo que tenía 28 millones de deudos. Es comprensible: es demasiado brutal el ejemplo de Brito, como para que uno se contraste con él. Uno tiene la certeza de que no está dispuesto a llegar tan lejos, uno duda de si vale la pena, uno no cree en lo que él creyó. A uno le da como vergüenza ver esa urna.  
En la funeraria alguien comentó que parecía un Cristo.
La comparación me pareció oportuna. Efectivamente como Jesús, siendo inocente dio su vida por todos, pudiendo salvarse prefirió no hacerlo, murió solo y poca gente acompañó el entierro por temor a las autoridades. Como el Nazareno, resucitará para confrontarnos con el sentido de la vida, del país.
Acompañamos el féretro en una breve procesión por las cercanías, se cantó el Himno Nacional y nos pareció a todos que sus estrofas estaban más vigentes que nunca como camino de esperanza.
Que el respeto a la ley, la virtud y el honor, siguen siendo, después de doscientos años de independencia, un sueño; que el pobre sigue en su choza, continúa pidiendo libertad y que el vil egoísmo, que otra vez triunfó, sigue triunfando todavía. 

Es muy tranquilizador pensar que a Franklin Brito lo mató Esteban, aplaca este pensamiento nuestras consciencias. 

A Franklin Brito lo mató la indolencia, no sólo la de aquél, sino la que se nos ha instalado a todos en el corazón. Cabe aquí la pregunta que Andrés Eloy Blanco hacía a los verdugos, frente a los asesinatos de las dictaduras que le tocó padecer: "¿Y cómo harás ahora para asesinarlo en el corazón de tus hijos?"
 

El "Diktat de Santa Marta" puso a Chávez bajo curatela

El "Diktat de Santa Marta" puso a Chávez bajo curatela

http://www.noticiascentro.com/

LA FULMINANTE campaña Uribe-Santos creó la capitulación de facto. ● Bueno para del país, quizás…

NC-RS:- Algún día sabremos –quizás de manera oficial- que en Santa Marta, Hugo Chávez firmó y alabó una "hoja de ruta", una "declaración de principios" y un marco futuro de las relaciones colombo-venezolanas,… de las cuales, si tenía idea previa- fue apenas nebulosa.

Porque lo que suscribió delante de testigos fueron los términos de un Diktat que le ponen bajo curatela y supervisión fiduciaria de facto, por ahora, en este ámbito Juan Manuel Santos se reunió con el personaje por educación, decoro y costumbre diplomática.

Hizo tiempo, mientras Néstor Kirchner –quizás- cambiaba una coma o una palabra en la Declaración.

Santos fue el vocero que explicó al mundo el futuro de las relaciones de los dos países

Mientras, Hugo Chávez trató de deslastrarse -imposible- de sus vínculos con el malandraje internacional. (Los Carteles y el Crimen Organizado no acatan repudios ni renuncias. Y Roberto Micheletti, en Honduras, tampoco olvida).

Pero Chávez demostró -verbal y físicamente- que aún no haba somatizado lo que estaba ocurriendo

Santos, logró interna y externamente todos sus objetivos, a cambio de nada,... sin cancelar -de manera expresa- ninguna de las amenazas políticas y penales pendientes –personalmente- sobre Hugo Chávez.

Chávez, el citado a Santa Marta a firmar la "Capitulación" llamada " Declaración de Principios, intuye -quizás- que sigue en Miraflores por la venia de Santos – Uribe que, juntos, han logrado removerle el piso internacional en una campaña relámpago apabullante que –de paso- lesionó severamente a Lula da Silva y sus pretensiones.

Y eso,… mientras se porte bien. Porque se trata de "un proceso" bajo la vigilancia y la curatela de 5 comisiones y de un embajador-procónsul – José Fernando Bautista – del entorno en Santos en Caracas.

Todo ello es trágico para Chávez en su crítica coyuntura personal actual.

Pero la Declaración de Principios –aplicada ahora a Chávez- puede convertirse en un hito y en una palanca en la reconstrucción de Venezuela post-Chávez

EL TIEMPO del Bogotá

Un aspecto para destacar es la poca importancia que Chávez le dio ayer al acuerdo entre Colombia y Estados Unidos para que personal de este país use bases militares, y que desató la última crisis.

El otro tema. El refugio de guerrilleros en territorio venezolano, también quedó tramitado.

"El Gobierno venezolano no apoya la guerrilla colombiana, sencillamente créanlo", exclamó Chávez casi en tono suplicante.

Nadie se esperaba que Santos nombrara ayer mismo su embajador en Caracas, pero lo hizo y sorprendió con la designación de José Fernando Bautista.

Chávez insistió mucho en la necesidad de que le crean que sí está dispuesto a facilitar unas relaciones cordiales con Colombia.

COMISIÓN PARA PAGO DE LA DEUDA

Estará a cargo de darles un nuevo impulso a las relaciones comerciales entre los dos países. Esta comisión también va a garantizar el pago, de parte de Venezuela, de las deudas con exportadores colombianos, verificando previamente cuáles son reales y cuáles pudieran ser fruto de sobrefacturación o de venta ficticia.

ACUERDO ECONÓMICO

Delegados de ambos países negociarán un marco jurídico que permita revitalizar el comercio binacional. Este reemplazaría el que existía dentro de la CAN, de la cual Venezuela ya no forma parte.

INVERSIÓN SOCIAL EN LA FRONTERA

Esta comisión evaluará qué proyectos conjuntos en materia social se pueden poner en marcha en las zonas de frontera entre Colombia y Venezuela.

INFRAESTRUCTURA FRONTERIZA

El presidente Santos se declaró partidario de "la vieja aspiración" de que Venezuela pueda tener una salida al Pacífico "utilizando transporte fluvial hasta Villavicencio y de allí hasta Buenaventura". Esa sería una de las obras de infraestructura que se desarrollaría de manera conjunta, pero se analizarán otras.

COMISIÓN DE SEGURIDAD

Se implementará una comisión en materia de seguridad a través de la cual Bogotá y Caracas coordinarán acciones conjuntas de vigilancia en la frontera.

Santos resaltó ayer el compromiso de Chávez en torno a que no permitirá que grupos armados al margen de la ley hagan presencia en territorio venezolano.

GIRO DE CHÁVEZ EN BASES MILITARES

El acuerdo militar suscrito a mediados del año pasado por Colombia con Estados Unidos fue una de las razones de Chávez para congelar las relaciones con Colombia. Incluso promovió un duro debate sobre el tema en Unasur.

Anoche, Chávez dijo que Colombia es soberana para establecer convenios militares con cualquier país. "Lo único, y eso es válido para ambos, y lo hemos ratificado, es que esos convenios no afecten la soberanía del vecino".

Slouching to Populism - The American

Slouching to Populism

By Roger F. NoriegaFriday, March 20, 2009

Filed under: World Watch, Government & Politics

Embattled democrats in Latin America read the State Department’s reticence as weakness and indifference.

Those of us who have worked to promote democracy in Latin America have seen our share of disappointment in the choices voters in the region are making at the ballot box—topped off by last Sunday’s results from El Salvador.

Why are we worried? In 1998, Venezuelans handed the presidency over to a trash-talking lieutenant colonel who led a bloody coup only six years earlier. Bolivians gave an unprecedented margin of victory in 2005 to a candidate who had a role in the violent overthrow of two preceding presidents. Nicaraguans elected a former dictator president in 2006. Ecuadoreans forced several presidents from office and, in 2006, elected a man who promised to uproot the political order.

One would like to think that the undemocratic way in which Hugo Chavez, Evo Morales, Daniel Ortega, and Rafael Correa have run their respective countries would have been a cautionary tale to our friends in El Salvador. Alas, last Sunday, voters in that Central American country—arguably the United States’ best friend in the hemisphere—chose as their president the front man of a communist rebel group whose members have killed U.S. servicemen, are allied with terrorist groups, and celebrated the 9/11attacks. It remains to be seen whether El Salvador’s new president, Mauricio Funes, keeps his pledge to govern moderately or is overwhelmed by the leftist extremists who really run his party.

Followers of the rightist ruling party in El Salvador have not had time to reflect on what they accomplished for their people after 20 years in power. Indeed, they negotiated an end to a bloody civil war, implemented the peace accords, and will preside over their nation’s first peaceful transfer of power to an opposition party since that war. Candidates campaigned freely. U.N. peacekeepers were not required to patrol the streets. An independent media (from whence the opposition candidate, Funes, came) criticized both parties with vigor. National electoral observers monitored an orderly, tranquil process. An impartial electoral council published the results, which the losing candidate accepted without rancor, within several hours of the last ballot being cast.

A majority of Salvadorans decided that two decades with one party in power was plenty. The impact of crime on personal security is a nagging problem in a country that is home to the region’s nastiest gang, Mara Salvatrucha. The ruling party candidate’s stint as public security chief apparently left some voters underwhelmed. After years grappling with spiraling energy costs, El Salvador’s dollarized economy was hit hard by the recent U.S. economic crisis and the drop in remittances from migrants, which are that country’s largest source of hard currency. And, after a spirited campaign, the opposition candidate touting moderate change scored a narrow victory. So be it.

That is the way democracy is supposed to work. Democrats from Mexico to Chile to Brazil to the United States take that sort of process for granted. We each have our share of extraordinary challenges, but, as long as we sort them out democratically, we assume that things are going to be just fine.

Over the past several years, representative democracy has empowered people in Latin America who had been locked out of power; it also uncorked class tensions and unrequited demands that weak democratic institutions and poor states were hard-pressed to confront. Market reforms and trade produced economic growth, but in the absence of accountable and representative institutions, the poor majority saw themselves losing ground to privileged elites. So, it is no surprise to see a ruling party or an entire political class upended at the ballot box.

Does this mean that democracy is working? Well, yes and no.

For example, competitive (and even extraordinarily close) elections in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, Uruguay, and elsewhere have ushered in strong governments with mandates to tackle serious problems. When leaders on the left or right win elections and set out to govern democratically, institutions gain credibility and strength.

In a handful of countries, elected caudillos (strongmen) have abused the power they gained through the ballot to tear down the democratic institutions that are vital to dealing with dissent, settling disputes, or producing a consensus to confront the corrosive problems that are far too common in these weak states. As a result, entire nations find themselves depending on the whims of authoritarian populists.

The results are objectively negative. Bolivia’s Morales has mugged his country’s judicial and political systems to ram through sweeping constitutional reforms. Correa is working from an eerily similar playbook in Ecuador. In Nicaragua, Ortega has stolen local elections that observers say were won by the opposition, and last week he hinted at changing the “unjust” ban on his reelection. Venezuela’s Chavez is in a class by himself, using a series of progressively more bogus elections to wrest absolute control over the national assembly, courts, national oil company, central bank, electoral council, etc. When he loses an election, he usually lies about the result. In response to opposition victories last November in Caracas and several important states, Chavez plans to appoint a new vice president to supersede these local authorities, whom he already has stripped of all revenue and power.

Chavez has used his petrodollars to bankroll acolytes throughout the region who share his vision and casual attitudes about democracy and the rule of law. Although he is bound to lose influence in the region and popularity at home as the price of oil dips, the damage is done. He has politicized the military and militarized politics so that he will never again have to pretend to win an election if that suits him.

So, why do we care? Beyond the fact that genuine democracy is an inherent good that produces more just societies and political stability, we have other interests at stake. Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela have rejected cooperation with U.S. anti-drug efforts and have given safe haven, political backing, or financial support to a narcoterrorist group battling our ally, Colombia. The loss in El Salvador eliminates a key friend in a region beset by illicit drug trafficking displaced by Mexico’s stepped-up counternarcotics campaign. No other Central American nation has the security resources or the political will to confront this deadly threat. As economies deteriorate and people flee political unrest or drug-related violence, the flood of refugees northward will spell big trouble for Mexico and the United States.

There may be little the United States can do to reverse this dangerous trend in the region. Indeed, American diplomats have calculated that publicly defending democratic values will merely provoke our enemies. Well, the fact is our enemies are doing fine; it is our friends we should worry about. It is tragic that embattled democrats in the region read the State Department’s reticence as weakness and indifference.

President Barack Obama can begin to turn things around as he looks across the table at a handful of troublemakers at the Summit of the Americas next month in Trinidad and Tobago. He should do his fair share of listening to our friends in the region, but he can crib from his inaugural address for a ready-made message for opponents of the United States and our values:

We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense…. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West—know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

Words are not enough, but these words—laden with values and resolve—will serve to remind everyone what is at stake and where we stand in the Americas.

Roger F. Noriega was a senior official in the State Department from 2001 to 2005. He is a visiting fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and managing director of Vision Americas LLC, a Washington advocacy firm that represents U.S. and foreign governments and companies.

Image by Darren Wamboldt/The Bergman Group

Slouching to Populism
The American, A Magazine of Ideas

A Satirical Site Skewers Chávez and Politics

A Satirical Site Skewers Chávez and Politics

By SIMON ROMERO

NY Times

March 20, 2010

CARACAS, Venezuela — This may be a perilous time to operate a Web site focused on politics here, given President Hugo Chávez’s recent push for new controls of Internet content. But one plucky Venezuelan satirical site is emerging as a runaway success in Latin America as it repeatedly skewers Mr. Chávez and a host of other leaders.

Named in honor of the capybara, the Labrador retriever-sized rodent that Venezuelans are fond of hunting and eating, the 2-year-old Web site, El Chigüire Bipolar, or Bipolar Capybara, is rivaling or surpassing in page views leading Venezuelan newspapers like the Caracas daily El Nacional.

The rise of Chigüire Bipolar, which has already drawn the wrath of state-controlled media here, and a handful of other popular Venezuelan sites focused on politics is taking place within a journalistic atmosphere here that international press groups say is marked increasingly by fear, intimidation and self-censorship.

Before threatening to impose unspecified Internet controls this month, Mr. Chávez pushed RCTV, a critical television network, off the airwaves andrevoked the licenses of 34 radio stations across the country. Mr. Chávez has also forced broadcasters to transmit live his speeches and televised appearances, which last hours.

“Chávez is a master communicator and a natural-born comedian, but one who doesn’t realize he’s at the center of the joke,” said Juan Andrés Ravell, 28, a part-time television scriptwriter who is one of the three founders of Chigüire (Tchee-GWEE-reh).

Mr. Ravell ascribes much of their success to the use of social media like Twitter and Facebook to lure readers to the site. Once there, they are treated to satirical videos and photo montages lambasting Mr. Chavez and other Venezuelan figures, sometimes even from the anti-Chavez camp.

Other Latin American leaders are frequent targets, too. For instance, Chigüire mocks the feel-good diplomacy of Brazil’s president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, portraying him as a bong-smoking bon vivant with a taste for Twinkies. Another montage derides frequent visits here by Iran’s president,Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, contending that he and Mr. Chávez have grown so close that they have glued their hands together.

Chigüire Bipolar’s biggest success so far arrived in February in the form of a 5-minute video inspired by the American television series “Lost,” in which Latin American leaders of various ideologicals stripes find themselves shipwrecked on a deserted tropical island, forced to fend for themselves.

The video, called “Presidential Island” and viewed more than 450,000 times on YouTube, depicts Mr. Chávez and Bolivia’s leftist president, Evo Morales, as star-crossed lovers who dine on American bald eagle. Colombia’s right-wing president, Álvaro Uribe, comes across as a prude, and Argentina’s president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, as a temptress who entrances Brazil’s Mr. da Silva. King Juan Carlos of Spain makes an appearance in which his dentures fall into the sea.

Oswaldo Graziani, 30, another of the site’s founders, said they drew inspiration from American television shows like “The Colbert Report” and Web sites like The Onion and also from a rich tradition here of political satire, including defunct humor magazines named after Venezuelan fauna like Morrocoy Azul (The Blue Tortoise) and Camaleón (Chameleon).

Mr. Graziani said going after Mr. Chávez’s critics, in addition to the president himself, and critiquing certain aspects of Venezuelan society were also priorities. For instance, Chigüire Bipolar has lampooned the student movement here by showing students more interested in swilling beer on the beach than in protests.

Another frequent target of ridicule is Mr. Ravell’s own father, Alberto Federico Ravell, a strident critic of Mr. Chávez and a prominent media executive here who said he was fired this year by the television network Globovisión as part of an effort to alleviate pressure exerted on the organization by Mr. Chávez’s government.

“We make it a principle that no one is immune, not even ourselves,” said Mr. Graziani, noting that their motto is “Partial, unfounded news from a rodent with psychological issues.”

“It’s difficult for anyone to battle against the supremacy of humor,” he said.

Some here try to wage that fight, however.

Mario Silva, the host of “La Hojilla,” or “The Razorblade,” a somber nightly talk show on state television that Mr. Chávez’s government uses to attack its critics, has condemned Chigüire Bipolar, describing its founders in February as partisan anti-Chávez drug-addicts. “We appreciated the publicity,” Mr. Ravell said in response to the state-television tirade against them.

In a separate episode this year, Mr. Chávez’s information minister, Blanca Eekhout, demanded that Laureano Márquez, a humorist who writes for the newspaper Tal Cual, be prosecuted after writing a short column imagining Venezuela free from the grasp of a ruler named “Esteban,” a code name for Mr. Chávez.

“Chávez’s government unfortunately doesn’t have much of a sense of humor about itself, which is why Bipolar Capybara has become an essential fixture in the national debate,” said Andrés Cañizález, a researcher on media freedom here for the Paris-based group Reporters Without Borders.

Others fixtures persist in criticizing Mr. Chávez, especially print media like Tal Cual, El Universal and El Nacional. And the surging use of Twitterhere to transmit antigovernment missives has prompted a sharp reaction from Mr. Chávez, who recently warned Venezuelans against using social networks.

Pressure is building now for political Web sites to bend to the government’s will. Noticias24, a leading news site here, barred visitors from commenting on articles this month after Mr. Chávez threatened to introduce Internet controls.

Mr. Chávez issued his threat after another site, Noticiero Digital, published in its comments section a false claim that at least one of his ministers had been assassinated.

The government has not announced any official measures, and so far Noticiero Digital is the only site under investigation. However, several pro-Chávez officials have said that site administrators should follow the law applied to broadcasters and be held responsible for comments.

Mr. Ravell and Mr. Graziani, who earn a living as freelance television producers and scriptwriters, finance Chigüire Bipolar out of their own pockets and with a meager revenue stream from advertising and sale of T-shirts printed with their logo.

They produce the site with a third Venezuelan partner based in Miami, Elio Casale, in a chaotic flurry of e-mail, instant-messaging and BlackBerry text messages.

“We don’t actually talk to each other that much,” Mr. Ravell said.

In an interview, Mr. Ravell said he remained hopeful that Chigüire Bipolar was opening the way for more multifaceted debate in Venezuela instead of representing a final burst of expressive ebullience online in a scenario in which Mr. Chávez might succeed in exerting control over a medium that until now has largely escaped his sway.

“Satire,” he said, “always evolves to resist the attempts to extinguish it.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/21/world/americas/21venezuela.html
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